Coretta, a pseudonym used to protect her identity, described to me over tea the toll of living in a central Florida development governed by a homeowners association (HOA).
A Black mother of three with a background in real estate, Coretta has lived in the mostly Hispanic community for more than 20 years. She told me that apathy had replaced anger about how the HOA treats residents.
“I don’t think [the community developers] intended for it to be a heavily Hispanic population. … They were expecting a certain economic class to come here. I think they were trying to push out the ones that they felt didn’t belong. I think they’re doing that and have done that.”
I am a sociologist, and Coretta was one of 47 residents I interviewed between 2017 and 2020 as part of a survey examining the experiences of people of color living in an HOA. All interviewees identified as Latino, Caribbean or Black.
Time and again, residents told me the same story: HOA leaders send a clear message that some people do not belong in the community, yet many cannot afford to leave because of rising housing prices.
Nearly half of Florida residents live in HOA communities, the largest share of any state, and this is not solely a Florida issue. Across the U.S., 80% of new single-family homes in subdivisions, and 60% of new single-family homes overall, are governed by HOAs. That means families like Coretta’s who try to move will likely encounter another HOA.
From my research, these experiences illustrate how HOAs function as what sociologists call racialized organizations. Such organizations can appear neutral while creating and sustaining inequality, diminishing the agency of racialized groups and legitimizing unequal resource distribution. Being perceived as white often confers advantages and power within organizational structures, and formal rules frequently differ from the ways those rules are applied. I find that HOAs meet these criteria in their structure and practices.
Rules and regulations
HOAs are a form of private government, run by an elected board of volunteer directors. Although they commonly regulate aesthetic choices to maintain neighborhood consistency, their authority extends beyond paint color and fence placement. HOA boards act as policymakers who pass and enforce community restrictions, fines and sanctions, and in some states they have legal authority to foreclose on homes for unpaid HOA fees or assessments.
HOA policies can be controversial. In 2019, one Florida HOA drew attention when it ordered a veteran to remove a Puerto Rican flag. HOAs also influence which cultural events and community services occur, controlling public gatherings such as parades, festivals and holiday celebrations. That control can extend to what holidays are recognized and how residents express cultural identity.
Exclusionary by nature
There are about 373,000 HOAs in the U.S., affecting the housing of more than 78 million Americans. State laws vary widely on how boards are elected and whether board members must live in the community; regulation often differs across associations. Federal laws limit absolute HOA power, but these organizations typically act like private governments with substantial control.
Research shows HOAs can function as spaces of exclusion, maintaining residential segregation and favoring higher socioeconomic status. A 2024 survey found fewer than half of Americans living under an HOA believe their neighborhood is better off with one, and 1 in 10 had considered selling a home because of HOA-related issues.
HOAs charge dues — a median of $230 monthly in Florida, with some homeowners paying more than $500 monthly — typically tied to amenities. Those dues can act as a barrier to entry for many buyers and often intersect with race, reinforcing segregation as a mechanism to maintain property values.
Voter suppression
Many residents I interviewed described feeling powerless and stopped attending HOA meetings because they believed participation made no difference. They reported what they perceived as voter suppression: HOAs determine how and when homeowners can vote for board members.
In the Florida community I studied, the HOA disallowed voting by proxy, requiring homeowners to vote in person at a day and time set by the board. Meetings were typically held on a Tuesday, making attendance inaccessible for many. Only the listed homeowner could vote, excluding other household members and renters; renters were not allowed to attend meetings under the bylaws.
These rules also affected multigenerational households. One woman I call Elena, who pays her mortgage but lives in a home where her son is the listed owner, was barred from voting. Elena described the difficulty: “I’m not allowed to vote. You’re not allowed to vote with a proxy. My son, [who is listed as the homeowner], works crazy hours. He gets up at 3 in the morning to work, he comes home, has dinner and goes straight to bed … he never makes it. They should have that on the weekends.”
The HOA controlled not only the voting rules but also how the election time and date were communicated; bylaws allowed the association to limit notice to its physical office at one end of the community.
Restricting the American dream
This issue goes beyond aesthetics. Historical discriminatory practices such as redlining have inhibited homeownership for Black and Latino families since the 1930s. Homeownership rates are rising unevenly: the Black homeownership rate is 45%, lower than other racial groups, while the non-Hispanic white rate is 73%.
As the racial wealth gap grows, Black and Latino residents remain more likely to rent than own. At the same time, the number of HOAs in the U.S. continues to increase annually, meaning more racialized minorities will live under HOA governance as homeowners and renters.
Homeownership has long been tied to the American Dream because it implies autonomy, voice and equitable treatment. When HOAs limit participation and cultural expression for minority residents, they reduce the value of homeownership for those residents and constrain what the American Dream offers them.
Stephanie A. Dhuman, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Hamilton College
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
This story was originally featured on Fortune.com
Source: fortune.com
